The Iranian reformist

In 15 June ’13, Hassan Rouhani a clerics and Doctor from Glasgow Caledonian University won the election with 50,7% voters on his hand, it is clear that he no need to take another run for second election. And until now there is no significant protest on the result, Interior Minister Mostafa Mohammad Najjar said that others candidate that unsatisfied with the election outcome may complaint within three days, its almost one month.

Rouhani is depicted as moderate cleric with low-profile attitude, he is the only Islamic clerics among other eight candidates, it turned six at when one candidate withdraw and tow other dismissed by the government, giving a favor for Rouhani. Rouhani also well supported by two ex-presidents Mr Khatami a reformist and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani that his candidacy proposal overturned by The Islamic Republic. Rouhani, previously served as the Iran chief nuclear negotiator under the former president Mohammad Khatami. Under his hand, Iran agreed to halt uranium enrichment and shown co-operative manner toward the inspectors of the International Atomic Energy Organization, moreover Rouhani is develop a mutual relations with western countries.

Rouhani has joined the 2009 Green Movement that protested on Ahmadinejad second term, and believed that the incumbent loyalist has fixed the election. The movement has brought one of prominent reformist figure Mir Hossein Mousavi on house arrest.

As a reformist Rouhani views on Ahmadinejad is clear: careless and miscalculate his policy on Iran internal situation, in particular playing antagonize policy toward western countries. Rouhani believe that Ahmadinejad political attitude has brought problem to Iran internal issue.  

The question is, how far Rouhani can go to fix that problem? Or how reformist is he is? First of all it is quite important to define what is the term of reformist refer to in country such as Iran that has survived the 20^th century with two revolutions, two world wars, two international sanctions, and vicious war against Iraq.

When February revolutions occurred in 1979, the Islamic group that led by Ayatollah Khomeine is not the only faction that promotes the revolution. From 1960 to 1970 the power in Iran has been in the hand of Reza Shah and his corrupt allied. Iran oil reserve has strengthened the Shah bargain position with opposition, and also foreign powers in particular USA and British.

There was a high growth rate of economy throughout the period, although differences in income and welfare between city and rural area is widening, and within the urban life itself. For the sake of stability, Shah eliminated freedom and critical political participation.

All factions in Iran reacted against the Shah, one of it is the Communist Tudeh Party that unfortunately cannot emerged from Soviet-Stalinist political style, that put Tudeh miss calculated the social-economy and cultural situation in Iran, make their political moves looks stiff and inefficient. Some other factions reacted against the shah are the landlord, intellectuals, professionals and moderate clerics. The famous Islamist faction led by Khomeine, that in June 1963 launched a revolt against Shah; the revolt was suppressed and Khomeine was later exiled to Turkey and eventually Iraq.

The Shah using Savak an intelligence unit that kidnap and torturing the oppositions. It is strong noticed by the Iranian that Reza Shah is back up by the USA. This lead to very negative sense against both the Shah and USA among all level of society in Iran.

Many Iranian foreign allies including the US start to criticize the Shah violent method in handle the opposition that run by Savak. In early 1977, Jimmy Carter became President of the United States, and he put human rights into his foreign policy agenda. The Carter administration suggested that if Iran did not improve its human rights record, aid, including military assistance, might be terminated. The Shah acted on Carter’s wishes, and some would view Carter’s pressure as instrumental in Shah’s fall. The Shah’s regime released 357 political prisoners in February 1977. The freedom of expression starts to occur. Mass protest start flooding the streets in Tehran and many other cities in Iran. The Iranian demand more inclusive economy, freedom of speech and fair political system.

In Qom a religious city 156 kilometers from Tehran, the massive demonstration start a little bit late. In October 1977, Musthapa, Khomeine son died in his bed, probably because of heart attack. But the rumor said it was Savak who did it. That rumor provokes demonstration in Qom, the demand is similar with most of other Iranian.

In the following years, the Shah seems cannot hold the power anymore. January 16, 1979, the Shah and his family fled to Egypt, and then to US. Iranian revolution is engineered by many factions, leftist, liberal and Islamist. However after the revolution, the Islamist get most of role dictating the revolution, its because the Islamic Ulama and scholars in Iran is relatively more consolidated from other faction, they are a certain social class and can coordinate their political view clearly. On the other hand, the Tudeh party is considered failed to consolidate the labor, urban poor and the leftist intellectuals in Iran, which actually plays a significant role in massive demonstration that suppressed the Shah. Except the Islamist, other factions in Iran are divided into small groups, and relatively less powerful compare with the Islamist.

Soon after gaining power in post revolution, Khomeine announced a decree to form an Iranian Revolutionary Guard (Pasdaran) in 5 May 1979, is to replaced all military official that previously served the Shah, however the role of Revolutionary Guards soon change, they often suppressed any internal disturbance and critical voice that follows the revolution, just like Savak in Shah era and Gestapo in Soviet Union. Pasdaran also plays important role in Iraq-Iran war, 1980-89.

The new Islamic state constitution has give power to Mullah (Islamic Leader) that resides in Qom. The Islamic State is not at a stage of capability to handle disputes with liberal, socialist and other critical expression toward the new regime. Soon after the revolution, the regime caught activist, journalist and intellectuals that have criticized the regime. Women social activity has been restricted, political activity are only applicable for those who in favor to the regime. Once again Iranian is screaming for freedom. In 1997, the first reformist in post revolution appeared as winner in presidential election, Muhammad Khatami. There was more freedom of expression, greater observance of legal process, less pressure on women, and improvement in international policy. However in Khatami era the anti-reformist has consolidated their mission, with backup from Revolutionary Guards, they supporting Ahmadinejad candidacy in 2005, that in sudden change all reformist policy from Khatami, especially in international policy.

Khatami leadership in Iran is the first era that defined what is reformist in term of Islamic Republic of Iran, which is openness; accommodate more political interest, freedom of public media, access to public spare and political transparency. Many anti-reformists believe that kind of policy is gate for western ideology entering the country. Meanwhile the reformist believe that, it’s the only way to tackle corruption, inequality in economic and develop fairness in politic. In 2009 when Ahmaddinejad won his second term, mass demonstration known as green movement criticized the election, it soon crashes by Revolutionary Guards, and Qom also condemns the movement. Rouhani was strong supporter of green movement.

The successful of Rouhani in Iran presidential election is a sign that the similar reformist ethic that was implemented by Khatami will be re-activated. Many Iranian felt that Ahmadinejad administrative has abused their social and political rights. However the question is escalating to the western interest on Iran, the western is demanding Iran dismantling their nuclear program, and reducing support for Hamas and Hezbollah. One of the most critical conservative voices toward Rouhani is indeed Bennyamin Netanyahu. “The international community should not fall into wishful thinking and be tempted to ease pressure on Iran to stop its nuclear programme,” said Netanyahu, adding: “Iran will be judged on its actions. If it insists on continuing to develop its nuclear programme the answer needs to be clear – stopping its nuclear programme by any means.” Netanyahu also referring on Iran support to Hamas and Hezbollah.

Hezbollah, Hamas, and Iranian nuclear program (which Iran doesn’t have a nuclear weapon yet, and Israel does) are part of regional security respond. Iran as well as many middle-east countries are under huge pressure on the Palestine situation, and also threat from Israel as the most powerful military in Middle East and owned nuclear weapon. To negotiate on the Iran nuclear program should mutually engaging all of regional security issues, it also including Israel political attitude toward Arab countries. Western country should lower down a bit their expectation on this matter.

Rouhani reform agenda will focus on fixing Iranian internal dispute with anti-reformist, and some conservative clerics in Qom that seems will oppose Rouhani reform plan. On the other hand, Rouhani will pitch long run of negotiation with western countries, Israel and their Gulf neighbors. And the most important is the Syria issues that start to amplified especially when US officially supply the rebels with weapons.

It is absolutely a hard job for Rouhani, he will face domestic conservative opponent as well as foreign. It is quite obvious that Rouhani with his reform spirit will propose a more moderate Iran to the world, however it is unclear are the western countries in particular Israel and US are ready for the new Iranian reformist.

Mohammad Morsi, Adel Mohamed al-Khayat dan kurma busuk dari Luxor.

Pada pertengahn Juni lalu, Morsi menunjuk Adel Mohamed al-Khayat sebagai gubernur provinsi Luxor, sebuah wilayah dimana Raja Tutankhamun berkuasa, 1332 sebelum Masehi. Luxor masih menyimpan kemegahan dan mewarisi situs-situs bersejarah Mesir Kuno, oleh karena itu bisnis pariwisata menjadi jantung perekonomian Luxor.

Beberapa saat setelah pemilihan al-Khayat, penduduk Luxor menggelar demonstrasi besar, membakar ban dan memblokir jalan-jalan, dalam waktu singkat demonstrasi itu bergabung dengan gerakan Tamarod (pemberontak) yang pada saat yang sama sudah menggelar aksi di beberapa kota lain di Mesir. Menteri Pariwisata Mesir Hisham Zaazou juga mengundurkan diri, sebagai respon atas dipilihnya al-Khayat. Tak pelak lagi, beberapa elit Ikhwanul Muslim juga mempertanyakan keputusan Morsi tersebut, mengingat al-Khayat merupakan anggota kelompok Gamaa Islamiyah yang memiliki sejarah dengan kekerasan, yang jelas bertolak belakang dengan semangat moderat Ikhwanul Muslim. Mohammad Osman ketua asosiasi pengusaha pariwisata mengatakan “Kenapa dia (Morsi) memilih seorang Gamaa Islamiyah. Sudah jelas Morsi ingin menghancurkan bisnis pariwisata disini.” (Al-Jazeera, 22 Jun 2013). Pertanyaan yang kini tersisa adalah mengapa Morsi bersikeras memilih al-Khayat?

Pemilihan al-Khayat adalah potret kebijakan Morsi yang kontra produktif. Tetapi analisis terhadap kebijakan itu cenderung lolos dari amatan kita dalam menerjemahkan faktor-faktor politik yang dengan licik dimanfaatkan oleh Militer sebagai “pembenaran” dalam menggulingkan Morsi. Maka mungkin perlu untuk menyelidiki sedikit mengenai faktor yang terlihat kecil dan sederhana, tetapi memiliki peranan penting dalam membentuk gambaran yang lebih besar.

Al-Khayat seorang insinyur berusia 52 adalah salah satu anggota elit organisasi Gamaa Islamiyah sebuah organisasi radikal yang pada tahun 1997 bertanggung jawab atas pembunuhan 58 turis di provinsi Luxor. Setelah rezim Mubarak dijatuhkan, Gamaa Islamiyah membentuk partai Pembangunan dan Pengembangan, melakukan koalisi dengan beberapa partai Islam lainnya, dan juga mendukung presiden Morsi, dan partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan underbow Ikhwanul Muslim.

Sebagai sebuah gerakan, Gamaa Islamiyah sangat terpengaruh dengan ide Sayyid Qutb yang oleh para orientalis sering dijuluki The Father of Modern Fundamentalism. Qutb merupakan intelektual publik, penulis, sastrawan dan pemikir Islam terkemuka, yang juga merupakan tokoh penting dalam sejarah Ikhwan. Ide-ide Qutb populer pada tahun 1960an, dia menjadi terkenal karena mengizinkan penggunaan kekerasan dan mempopulerkan istilah Takfir (mengkafirkan). Qutb di eksekusi mati pada tahun 1966, karena dituduh merencanakan pembunuhan terhadap Gamal Abdul Naseer.

Selama beberapa waktu ide Qutb memberikan legitimasi terhadap beberapa gerakan radikal di Timur Tengah, pada saat yang sama kekalahan Arab atas Israel, jatuhnya Palestina ketangan Israel, ditambah dengan kebijakan negara-negara Barat yang timpang di Timur Tengah telah menyuburkan semangat untuk mengadopsi ide radikal Sayyid Qutb.

Pada tahun 1969 Hasan al-Hudaibi pengganti Hasan al-Banna menerbitkan Dua’ah al-Qudah (Kami pencerah, bukan hakim) yang berupaya menjauhkan Ikhwanul Muslim dari pengaruh pemikiran Sayyid Qutb dan ide radikal lainnya. Pada posisi ini, Ikhwan mulai membangun jarak dengan gerakan-gerakan yang mengadopsi ide radikal. Dan memfokuskan aktivismenya pada gerakan politik dan sosial. Kader-kader Ikhwan yang direkrut pada kisaran 1970-an seperti Abdul Futuh, Essam el-Erian, Mukthar Nuh dan Abu el-Ela Madi adalah aktivis politik, dan menentang segala jenis tindak kekerasan. Perlu juga di pahami bahwa pembentukan Gamaa Islamiyah sendiri juga merupakan akibat dari semakin moderatnya Ikhwanul Muslim, yang kemudian tidak mengakomodir aksi-aksi radikal seperti yang dilakukan oleh Gamaa Islamiyah.

Sepanjang pendiriannya dari tahun 1973, Gamaa beberapa kali terlibat dengan aksi kekerasan. Salah satu yang terpopuler adalah keterlibatan Gamaa dalam serangan yang dipimpin oleh Khaled El Islambouly pada 6 October 1981 yang menewaskan president Mesir Anwar Sadat. Sebelumnya Sadat sudah di fatwa mati oleh pendiri Gamaa Islamiyah Omar Abdel-Rahman, karena menandatangani perjanjian Camp David yang memuat kesepakatan gencatan senjata dengan Israel pada tahun 1979. Abdel-Rahman juga terlibat dalam aksi pemboman World Trade Center pada tahun 1993. Sepanjang tahun 1990-an Gamaa melakukan beberapa serangan terhadap institusi pemerintah, Kristen Koptik, dan Minoritas Syiah di beberapa wilayah di Mesir, salah satu yang terkenal adalah pembantaian 58 turis di Luxor, yang dimana Morsi mengangkat seorang anggota Gamaa sebagai gubernurnya.

Pemilihan al-Khayat jelas adalah aksi bunuh diri Morsi. Tetapi Morsi tidak memilih al-Khayat dengan mata tertutup, dia memiliki beberapa alasan tersendiri. Setidaknya ada dua hal yang menjadi alasan Morsi dalam menggandeng Gamaa Al-Islamiyah.

Pertama adalah kenyataan kontur sosial di Mesir dimana negara sebagai sebuah badan administratif cenderung tidak efektif di wilayah-wilayah rural. Hal ini terjadi sebelum dan sesudah revolusi. Wilayah-wilayah pinggiran di kuasai oleh pemimpin suku, war lord, termasuk kelompok radikal. Penguasaan itu di dukung oleh tuan tanah lokal yang mendapat keuntungan dari kurangnya pengawasan pemerintah, dan keleluasaan mengontrol faktor-faktor ekonomi. Kelompok-kelompok ini memiliki kemampuan menstabilkan wilayah dimana mereka berkuasa, Gamaa Islamiyah adalah salah satunya. Kegagalan menstabilkan daerah-daerah pinggiran ini sudah menimbulkan dampak yang mengerikan dalam konteks keamanan di Mesir, situasi terakhir di Sinai adalah contoh terburuk, dimana wilayah itu dikuasai oleh kelompok-kelompok bersenjata yang membahayakan Mesir dan negara tetangganya.

Sementara itu Morsi mendapatkan kenyataan bahwa anggota Ikhwanul Muslim berasal kelas Efendi (Kaum Borjuis rendahan yang kurang diuntungkan oleh Kolonial Inggris) dan kelas terpelajar yang terpinggirkan, yang disebut Carrie Wickham sebagai Lumpen Intelegensia. Kondisi itu membuat Ikhwan tidak memiliki kuasa apabila berhadapan dengan situasi seperti di Sinai. Dalam tingkat ini berkoalisi dengan organisasi yang berbeda karakter seperti Gamaa Islamiyah adalah langkah strategis dalam konteks stabilitas.

Kedua, Morsi sepertinya menginginkan partisipasi politik dari kelompok yang sebelumnya termarjinalkan pada era Mubarak. Bagi Morsi dan Ikhwan salah satu kemenangan besar revolusi adalah kesempatan untuk berpartisipasi dari setiap kelompok terbuka lebar. Atas dasar itu keterlibatan aktif Gamaa Islamiyah bisa membawa kelompok ini kepada ruang demokrasi yang lebih luas dan pada saat yang sama mereka harus menerima konsekuensi dari demokrasi.

Gamaa sendiri sebetulnya menunjukkan prilaku positif menghargai demokrasi. Setelah protes besar di Luxor, pada 23 Juni Adel Mohamed al-Khayat mengundurkan diri. Salah satu petinggi partai Pembangunan dan Pengembangan sayap politik Gamaa Safwat Abdel Ghan, sebagaimana di kutip oleh al-Ahram Online mengatakan bahwa pengunduran diri al-Khayat merupakan upaya untuk meredakan ketegangan politik di Mesir. Di lain kesempatan al-Khayat mengatakan bahwa media sudah berburuk sangka kepada dirinya, “Saya sudah bekerja selama 35 tahun sebagai insinyur di institusi pemerintahan. Media sudah bertindak tidak adil kepada saya.” Tutur al-Khayat.

Al-Khayat memang anggota Gamaa Islamiyah, tapi belum tentu dia mewakili sayap radikal dikelompoknya yang membunuh 58 turis di Luxor dan pembunuhan Anwar Sadat. Tetapi masalahnya bukan itu. Militer, kelompok Muslim moderat, Sekuler, Kelompok Kiri, bahkan partai Salafy an-Nour, memandang pengangkatan al-Khayat adalah potret buruk dari kebijakan dalam negeri Morsi. Lebih lagi, itu menunjukkan ketidaksiapan Morsi dan Ikhwan dalam memainkan peranan utama dalam panggung politik di Mesir.

Ikhwan dan Morsi terlalu lugu berpikir bahwa dengan menguasai parlemen mereka menguasai Mesir, dan rakyat akan manut dengan segala kebijakan Morsi. Keluguan dibayar mahal ketika jutaan rakyat Mesir turun kejalan, dan militer Mesir berlaku culas mendompleng gerakan rakyat untuk menyingkirkan Morsi, yang kemudian menyebakan meningkatnya eskalasi konflik di Mesir.

 Kasus al-Khayat hanyalah salah satu contoh dari sekian banyak kebijakan politik Morsi yang prematur, yang menyebabkan Ikhwanul Muslim dan Morsi harus menelan kurma busuk yang dikirim dari Luxor. Ditambah kenyataan bahwa kurma itu tumbuh dari pohon yang mereka tanam sendiri, membuatnya jauh lebih pahit.